Win Magazine Volume 12 Number 20 (2024)

Ch¡le o African Lib

n D a v S up po nt Co m m B a v
g r c U t u r a W o r ke

s P.a

k a rì

nce for Labor and Community Acti on I
tn
VE
s Syndicate o American Fede,ra tion of State,
al 1695 o American F n ds'S ervice'Comm
y Committee, Ba
F¿aanc'ren¡ihwnørùawwlsrvf itçiitMo vement o Angola
o
o
Area ARISE, NYC Assata Shakur Defense Committ
ca No
Bay A
o
Cay Liberation Bay Area Nam ibia Action Croup o
U n ion o Black Ant i
nn ial Clomm Philadelp

tsrooklyrì . Black P
Bryn M
Workers . Ci ty Counc

Solidarity Coirrm itt

r Bla

NYC o
of the Cov
antlcWnr ite

t'lþere

es de la Cultu
o
Students Cay Activists Allia
r Conna Rise Again Craphics,
Cuardian ¡ Hard Times Co
lnkwor:ks', Oakland ¡ lnte
T reaty Counci¡ r Jesuit
B erkeley o laborers
P ittsburgh o Laney

en an

ewspaper'o Communi

st Puerto Rican U n iver
ti-lmperialist News Se

Allianc€, N.H. r

lndian
h Unio

Mass Party Or

f.j ight Special
R acism & Poli
N at ion al La

stoh

ArnFnican
S prin gf ie
Executi
men
orn ia Alliance o
reedo rn Party ¡ Penn State Univer:sity
Educatiorr o Peoples Bicentennial, Chica
Manchester, N. H. e Peoples Law S,chool
Peoples Preps,'San Francisco I Ph¡ladelphia
Prairie Fire Organlzing Committee o Puerto
Rica¡r Socialist Pa,rty o Radical Alli'ance of
Center, Bay Area o Rep,ublic of New Africa o
San Fra'ncisco Liberation School . San Franci
Unenrployed ancJ Welfare Council o Socialist
P, arty o Southe¡n Chri¡tian Leadership Conf

rR,!t

hange
Nat ive
itv,
uirches,

Human
darity Committe'e o P
ple Against Racism i
ntennial Commission,

Project, Pittsburgh r
n izin g Com m ittee o
ity Committee o Puert
orkers, NYC o La R
Committee to Stop s
roupe o San Francisco
U.S.fi. r Socialist Workers
nce o Strike Suppòr.t Comm ittee,'

Another movement woman whom

I read WIN because, though not a paci-

fist or advocate of nonviolence in
general, I support populist struggles.
Ánd WIN gives me valuable insights
into these movements through in-depth

',at

t've known for manv years tried to sell

me women's sesreda-tion by saying:

parallels'blackis-ù'eautiful.' Nothìns

èould have turned me off more, becaüse
articles (largely lacking elsewhere) such "black-is-beaútiful" is not only an expression of racial bigotry, but is just
as the one on the fnitppines by Delia
þlain ridiculous. How can one color be
San Juan in a recent issue.
ðeclared more-or less-beautiful than
However, frankly speaking, I cannot
another?
be included among those who believe
I hope the women's movement will
Some oersonal comment'about Steven
that the advent ofiocialism through
accepfuniversally that the struggle for
Deer's^ Ietter IWIN, 5/201761. I was with armed struggle provides the only viable
socidl justice muit be NOT women
the walk when the problems occurred
answer to tñè psèudo-fascist branã of
ag4inst men but the underprivileged
and they can be iteinized pretty simply:
caoitalism mañv western democracies
against the overprivileged-with
There was no "national ofüce
seèm to be in the throes of. especially
females and malès joinèd in the
Derson" with the walk in its formative
economically.
gtruggle. I hope there will be a stanza to
itages and the walk as it was constiSocialism is an admirable ideology'
tutèd at that time could not come to
but as found in Russia and several other the song IVe Shall Overcome:
"womei-men-together'' just as there
consensus about'how to temove,people
Eastern European çountries, notably
,now is one: "black-and-white-to'
that mieht not be in the best interests of Albania, it is but another form of
JIMPECK
gether."
the wali. We had no approach to probfascism, a bastardization of Marxism.
NewYork' IYY
lem solving that would work given the
If socialism is to be truly populist, it
conditions we were working under.
must come through a genuinely demoRumofs about the walk, & I use the
cratic orocess such as was found in
word advisedly, spread so quickly &_
Chile under the aegis of Salvador Alwete repeated & entarged upon so that
lende betwee n 197 0-197 3'
the walft had a black eye before it
What is needed in society, American
I'm Angry. Three pages wasted on
started into southern California. Orand otherwise, is basic change in atti'
Jerry Rubin IWIN,5/27 /761 indicates to
ganizers and walkers perceived themtudes, not merely ideologies or
me that your values aren't clear yet, Or
philosophies. This change, when actu'
ðelves as separate and sometimes
is this an example of negative values
success
predicate
the
eventual
comoetitive entities. Passions about
will
ãted,
that we're suooosed to learn from?
disaimament and social justice run
of all oooulist struesles,
-"_J.J. KATJFMANN Please, the poiitive-I'm f,rnding the
particularly high among those involved
iryittr tte walk.The pacé was too hectic
Honolulur Hawail Guardlan mbre relevant and interesting
reading than WIN: Is it that my trip to
and we as a walk were just learning to
China resulted in raised consciousness
live and work toeether. There were
or am I doubting pacifist relevance in
some people onihe walk who should not
the light of Uruguay and the US? The
have Seen on the walk but there was no
It was 10 years ago, when "black
unmentionable fact in the US is that we
method to remove them and to manY
power" was in vogue, that I felt imhave a war on right now and we need to
walkers an "outsider" who thteatened
òelled to write for Llberation a sort of
deal with that fact-not buy the peace
one threatened all. We had become a
r'the emperor-has-no-clothes" article in mvth.
MARGIEEUCALYPTUS
sort of gypsy commune fâmily and stuck
'
Kansas Clty, Mo.
an attemþt to expose black racism. I
uo for each other. The stoÞs in
Thousand Oaks & Indio diã not seem till concluded: "Black racism is as evil as
','
white tacism, yellow rácism or any other
the last moment to get to the issue of
tvoe
of
racism."
how to properly resolve conflict and
" ^No*,
Thanks for vour Tenth AnniversarY
in the same vein, I conclude:
oersonãlitv differences. That's some
Issue [WIN, 4/29 &5/6/76]. Those of us
iandom intut about the walk then. That female supremacy is as evil as male
too young to temember the
ofbigotry
other
type
any
or
supremacy
who.aie
&
the
is all water over the dam
person's
of\ryIN are indebted to you'
cbnception
on
a
based
orãiscrimination
important thing is tþe walk now.
that You Point out what I
segregaIt
iiereat
supremacy:and
Female
sex.
1o my thinkiñg Albuquerque was the
think rüas the turning point ofthe non'
tion ("separatiõn" is the semantical
first really positive event in the walk
violent movement. Thãt is, the use of
coueiup word generally used)-has bethat was a blending of walk and orwomen's
in
the
humor. When good humor can be re'
fashionable
as
come
ganizer energy toward getting together
was
in
black
racism
tained in spiteófthe atrocities that were
as
today
movement
iome positive and tangible results. My
faced, thisieveals to me at least a deep
the black freedom movement 10 years
son Dãle and I came ahead to Albucommitment to the cause' The induction
ago. This-needs to be said, even though
querque three weeks before the walk
women.
óihumor restored a slight bit of sdnity.
wrath
the
of
some
it
mav
incur
group
arrived and worked with a great
person
It reminds me of whenPhaedrus was
women's
movement
When
a
oflocal people on the walk.
asked, "Whv do vou laugh when the
recently told me that no male evet
Ple¡se wi¡te on a piece ofpoper: I
world has a ólethôta ofinjustice"l
should be admitted to a lvomen's '
eupport tho Contlnent¡l Walk for Disphaedrus reìoined, "So I do not weep at
meeting, I responded bluntly by calling
armanent a¡ld Social Change and prlnt
were
death. violeñce, and destruction, so I
If
âttempt
her
female
bigot.
an
a
yo¡rrneme and address on lt. Have
keeo mv mind while others have
made to oust mè from a women's
frlends do llke wlse a¡rd send lt to Conabahdohed theirs, and so it seems that I
meeting because of my sex, I would
tlnent¡l Walk, 339 Iafayetûe St., New
live mv life. while indeed I and everyone
the
did
a
sitdown,
as
conduct
Poet'
York,IttY 1fi)12.
in
i
years
ago
else aie at the moment dead."
few
Mac
a
Low
Jackson
I need contact persons and ftlende ln
I do have one minor criticism. Please
such a situation (the women responded
OHahoma Cþ, Kaneas Ctty, St. Iouls,
do not look at the past with nostalgia,
nonviolentlv bv carrying him out ofthe
Chlcego, Cleveland and TVashington to
meetins ro,ámi. I recalled to this woman but,rather learn, improve, carry on, and
help wlth front work and to glve me
oeroetuate, Our mission is not done, it
the occãsion when Malcolm X stated in
some etarting contacts. Ple¡se send
besuri. Remember that the
in
organizañas'iust
white
any
"One
à ¿"t"t",
right away to
tion is like the proverbial rotten apple in *fto'fõ *o¡ã is watching (at lea5t part of
-DICKLINEBARGER
the time)
c/o Islandl¡ the barrel." Tliat was before Malcolm
_STEVEN J. BEIJING
'
POBox 1207 journeyed to Mecca and got cured of his
Kauk¡un¡, Wlec.
Felton' Cdlf.9501E black racism.
I

"It

June 10, 1976

I Vol. Xl!,,Number

4. Cerald Ford lsn't the Onlv One
Coing to Philadelphia on
J uly 4th! / Ted Click
6. An Eco-Left View of Proposition
15 / Sam Loveioy
S. UFW Puts Farmworker tnitiative
on California Ballot
Robert J. Boudewiin
10, The Centle Revolution Moves
Gently to the Right
Rona Fields

One of thg most time-consuming and arduous tas.ks for.gny
movemeni group anywhere in the world is to draft an effective fünd appea¡. lt's very painful to have to sit down and
write these things every week. But even more painful to us,
and surely to you, would be the alternative: for WIN to close
up shop and go away. And just when we can help in tlle
movement which is coming out of what has seemed to some
to be a long dark period oflleep, too. What a,shamq.
A British pac¡f¡st group, the Peace Pledge Union, solved

their fqnding problem in a characterist¡c manner. A reader
;recently sent us a copy of the minutes of their "Annual
Ceneral Meeting." lt made for ihteresting reading. Most
noteworthy was the following motion, carried unanimously:.
"That this Annual General Meeting, believing that'money is
the root of all evil, agrees that the Peace Pledge Union
should have nothing more to do with it." New membership
dues were announced to be: Full Membership, 20 cabbages
or a large bunch'of bananas; Youth Membership, one record
by the Bay City Rollers or the Osmonds; Student Membership, one pair of pre-washed denim blue jeans.
Of course, in the society we'are all striving to create,
printers will accept cabbages as barter payment, the post
offices will accept vinyl disks for recycling as payment, and
the staff could wear jeans, cutt¡ng some up to make shirts,
etc. . . and'boil the leftover cabbages to e-at: But more
realistically, given the present state of our soc¡ety, readers
could send along food to help feed the staff . But what the
Post Office will take in place of money we aren't sure. A box
of neatly rolled loints? Even if this (rhythical) motion were
applied to WlN, we'd still rieed money to pay,our creditors.
So send your cabbages to the Peace Pledge Union, and
please, please send what "bread" you can to WlN. Ten more
years

-Ruthann,

Dwight, Susan, Murray, Mary

Portugal Moving toward
'"12.|s
Socialism or Fascism?

Michael Uhland Tod Ensign
18. Changes
,,

20, Reviews
Cover: Design adapted from
Artworks poster. for the J uly 4th
Coalition.

STAFF

Dwight Ernest o Ruthann Evanoff
Mary Mayo o Susan Pines
Murray Rosenblith
UNINDICTED

co-coNsPtRA
I

JanBarry

LanceBelville

WIN I une 10,

1976

.
.

MarisCakars'

erry Coff¡n' Lyhne Shatzkin Coffin'
Ann Davidon Dianã Davies Ruth Dear
Ralph D¡Cia. Brian Doherty I William Douthard.
Karen Durbin* . Chuck Fager. Seth Foldy
Jim Forest LarryCara Joan L¡bbyHawkl
Neil Haworth o Ed Hedemann o Crace Hedgmann
Hendrik Hertzberg* . Marty J ezer* o Becky Johnson
Nancy Johnson o Paul Johnson o Alison Karpel
Craig Karpel
John Kyper o Eliot Linzer"
Dav¡d McReynolds"
J ackson Mac Low
Susan Cakars*

' ',1:

.
.
.
DavidMorris MarkMörris. ! Jii\peck
TadRichards o lgalRoodenko* ¡.FÈedRosen
NancyRosen r EdSanders o WendySchwartz*

rMemberôf WIN Editorial Board

503

Atlantic Ave.

sth Fl1/

Brooklyn, NY 11217
Telephone: (212) 624-A337, 624-81gs
WIN is published every Thursday except for the first
week in Ja¡uary, the last week in March, the second
wee(in May, the last two weeks in August, the f irst two
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'f'.\
J

une 10,.1976 WIN 3

GERALD FORD ISN',T THE ONLY ONE cOtNC TO PHIL ADELPH|A ON JULy 4THI
-Stop CIAlMilitary lntervention

Nations

TED GLICK

-Stop

US Covernment Aid to Repressive

Regimes

Two characteristics which stand out when comparing the activism of the 70's with the 60's are
the fragmentation of organizers and activists and,
today's lack of a strong, visible, national mass
movement around an issue like the wai- or a common program. The J uly 4th Coalition intends to
change these.realities. The Coalition Has brought
together a broad cross-section of o¡ganizationi to
mobilize demonstrations on J uly 4tli to turn out
tens of thousands of people.

Under "Full Democracy and Equatity" there
' are eight demands:
-Self-Deterrh¡nation for All Black, Poor and Oppressed People
Systêin of Racism
-End the
the
Oppùession
of Women
-End All
Political Prisoners
-Free
- Defeat S-'l and All Repressive Legislation

Brutality
-End Police
the
Deportation
-Stop

Birth of the Coalition

rt\t

Papers

of Workers Without

people
-Equal Rights for Gay

The J uly 4th Coalition began at a national con.
ference in New York City gver the weekend of
March 27-28. Representadives from more than one
hundred progressive groups attended, including
organizations and individuals from 53 cities and 27
states, Blacks, Puerto Ricans, Native Americans,
Asians, Mexica¡s and whites, veteran peace
activists, trade union and rank-and-file labor organizers, women's.unions, schools and professional groups.
They came together to plan a program to
mobi I ize massive demonstrations i n Ph i ladelph ia.
and Los Angeles on J uly 4th. Cerald Ford, the
Qqçqn of England, the King of Spain and the Pope
will be present at the government's "otficial"
Bicentennial celebratio,n in Philadelphia to heap
lavish praise on capitalism, institutionalized
racism, sexism and'the US's role as hawkish
defender of the "free world."
We will be there to say that the history of this
country is one of constant struggle by those who
built it with their sweat and blood. We will say it is
a story that remains unfinished; and we are
cpming together to begin the conclusion.

Under "Jobs and a Decent Standard of
Living" there are six demands:

-Socially Useful

Jobs for

a Cuaranteed lncome

All at Living Wages and

-Tax.Money for Humán Needs, Not Military

Spending

people to
-Defend the Right of Working
Organize, to Strike and of Rank-and-File

Democracy

-Support'the Right of lndependent Orgànization
for plack Workers
; lmprove and Enforce Occupltional Health and

SafetyRegulations '
'
- Economic Security for Senior Citizens

The demonstration will consist of a march-a
Parade of the People-and a rally. The Parade of
the People is planned as a march of various
sectors of the country and the various organizations making up the coalition, with banners
identifying them anr{, when possible some type of

Ted Click is on the stafî of the Mass party Organizing Committee and is active with the July 4th
Coalition.

A New Styte of Work
From. the beginning the coalition has emphasized
worktng tn a new way.

There are differences in the importance of various
points in the coalition program. While there is not
ideological unity on the program as a whole it has
proved a viable basis for proceeding.
There are three areas in which the various
demarlds of the program fall. Under "A Bicentennial without Colonie's- Freedom for All Oppressed Nations" there are six demands:
Puerto Rico.
- lndependenceforforAmerican
tndian Nations
-Sovereignty
National lndependence for colonized Black
-People
in the US.

-Self-Determination for Mexican People in the

1926t

One of the Coalition's problems has been the unwillingness of the Peoples Bicentênnial Commission to work together for a joint action. The J uly
4th Coalition's original organizers went to Washington to meet with the PBC national office in
early January. Jeremy Rifkin, PBC head, showed
little openness to joint proposals. Though invited,
no one from the PBC national office attended the
national conference, though several local PBC

float or small marching band, etc. A contingent
of native people, orgañized by the Americañ
lndian Movement, will lead the parade.
Speakers representing various groups will
address the rally. There will also be a wide variety
of cultural activities at the rally.
Confírmed speakers as of this wríting include:
Ella Baker, civil rights activist and founder of the
Student $on-violent Coordinating Committee; Dr.
Helen Rddriguez, Committee to End Sterilization
Abuse; Clyde Bellecourt, American lndian Movèment; Dave Dellinger, Séven Days Magazine; loe
--Walfer, African People's Socialist Party;.J uan
Mari Bras, Secretary-Ceneral, Puerto Rican
Socialist Party; Antonio Rodriguez, CASA; Arlhur
Kinoy, Mass Party Organizing Committee and Bill
Kunstf er.

WIN J une 10,

PBC Relationship

. What Will Happen in Philadelphia

National Program

One of the major lessons many of us learned,
from the 60's and êarly 70's is the necessity of '
reaching out beyond ourselves to ever wider
sectors of the population. ln particular, there is a
growing concern about the lack of working people
involved in our movement,'with our organizations.
Many people feel if that pròblem is not solved, we
will never be successful in making a revolution in
this country.
To reach out we must learn to work in coalitions
involving a broad range of people w¡th d¡ffering
ideas and emphases. We cannot make past
mistakes of letting our intensity around a
particular oppression cloud our view of the intense
oppressions suffered by others. We must be able
to work in an honest way with people who have
differing emphases because we understand it is
only through the united action of many the rule of
the few can be ended.
Within the J uly 4th Coalition this has meant a
constant str:uggle to make the main focus of the
work not be a struggle over who is "more op-.
pressed" or who has the "correct line" but, instead, how can we reach out to mobilize all the
people active àgainst one or another manifestation
of oppression. As a mass movement of unified
struggle builds, the questions will then emerge
which must be answered based upon a shared
practice.

in Other

groups did.

;

i
I
I
I

I
!
I

I
i
t
I

Politically, the perspective of the PBC is
limited. One of their public slogans is "Economic
Democracy: Neither Capitalism Nor Socialism."
Besides being anti-socialist, they have shown no
inclination to raise the issues of racial and sexual
oppression or militarism. ln the face of the
mounting attacks on the American lndian Movement, the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and a
number of oth'er important Third World organizations and the continuing growth of the miliiary
budget, these omissions point to fundarnentaÍ
problems at the core of the PBC operation.

Government Response

It seems the government understands the
impoltance of unity as well as or better than the
left. T.hey have tried to portray the Philadelphia
mobilization. in the mosi unfaúorable light för over
seven months. Beginning with charges last
November that the Puerto Rican Socialist Party

a on the 4th, ¡t
ack Anderson that an
k force" is wôrki ng on

a "counter-terrorist campaign." On Saturday,
May 29, Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo announced he was asking President Ford to send

15,000 army troops to Philadelphia to prevent
protesters from disrupting the official celebra-

tions.
ln a statement released on May 2&thbv 20
peace activists
- i ncl udi ng Dave Del I in ger, Rev.
Douglas Kirkpatrick, David McReynolds, Cora
Weiss and Howard Zinn, these accusations were
dismissed out of hand. "There is not one of us
foolish enough to lend support to or be involved in
a coalition that planned violent.disruptions. We
speak on the basis of our own records over a
perioJ of time and of struggle in which we sharply
opposed the politics'of terrorism
"We do not know exactly what is going on within that 'informal White House task force,' but is it
unreasonable to suspect that its activities
resemble those of another informal White House
task force known as the plumbers?
"ln view of the eiistence of such a group, it is
all the more important for as many Americans as'
possible to loin us in Philadelphia on J uly 4th and
aff irm our right to petition and to assemþle and to
speak. Johnson could not stop us. Nixon'could not
stop us. And the man who pardoned Nixon shall
not stop us.'i'
J uly 4th, 1976.2OO years of the USA. 200 years
of struggle by Native Americans, Blacks, women
and workers for survival and basic rights. Decades
of struggle by Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Asiairs,
nations around the world against the expansion of
the American state. The coming together of those
who have struggled for civil rights and equality,
for peace in Vietnam, for women's liberation, for
jobs and worker's rights.
J uly 4th, 1976. fhe day our movement comes
together in Philadelphia to say, with one voice,.
that the varied nature of our struggles will no.

longer prevent us from coming.together. This time

we are coming together to continue the fight until,
we have won.

***ffi**ffi*ffi
CONTACT: For more information about
organizing for the J uly 4th demonstration in
Philadelphia, you can call these local organizers-'
for the J uly 4th Coalition: Phila., 215-923-6763;
New York, 212-533-0030; Boston, 617 -2BB-4940.
Or call or write the national office: J uly 4th Coalition, PO Box 998, Peter Stuyvesant Station, NY,
NY 10009. 212-673-177 6.
J

une 10, 1976 WIN 5

sAM tovEfoY

'i
I

The California Nuclear Safeguards lnitiative is a
fnoderate, first step in the bãttle to stop unsafe/
unnecessáry nuclear fission power plants'
Proposition-15 has many good and bad aspects
wh¡th I shall explore, but all have to be understood in,context. a) Ñuclear plants are unsafe from
everv point of view (even thè government's, which
for instance, tested the emergency systgm designs
six times, and'they failed every time!). b) lncreased low level radiation's impacts on health are
real, cumulative, and only meagerly beginning to
be researched, and include permanent damage to
normal speciei' propagatioñ-by attacking the'
very genä pool oÍ h-qmanity! c) The "atomíc laws"
on thã booics today-åctuallú denv citizens full
liabilitv insurance in case óf catastrophe, and yet
thev al'so reouire filing full-scale evacuation plans
for beople living 35 to 50 miles from these (safe?)
olants.-d) The US wasted more energy last year
ihan was-consumed bv % of the world's population . . . America's got tremendous prpblems'
Anv reasonable person's position, therefore,
woulci demand the immediate shutdown of
1
existing plants, and the cessation of planning and.
constrtidion of'more nukes until all the health and
safetv äuestions have been resolved. . . period'
nnWh¡ñg less, tacitly approves of using the uninformed, ór misinformed; general populace as
guinea pigs while the corporations make
ãnalyse!-and astronomical amounts of money..
This anti-nuclear initiative effort is comparable
to the people in the streets during the 6O's
scream¡nd "Stopthe war-Now!" while superliberal anti-war senators pushed legislation
Sam Loveioy, a well known opponent of nuclear
power ptánis, is the subiectof "Loveioy's Nüclear
'War,"'
a movie Írom Creen Mountain Post Films,
Montague; Mass

"phasing out" the war over many years. ln other
wbrds. elen if the initiative pasbes, there will be
much lo be done-almost everything. ' ' because
there is seven times rhore money in nükes than
there was in the entire war effort!
What those anti-war senators and the demonstrators back then had in cQmmon was the commitment to stop, or more fashionably, not to continue the war. This initiative in effect does the
same thing, for, in this case, the pr:oposed law
takes the onus off citizen opponents (to prove
nukes are not safe) and puis the onqs,onto industrv (where it obviouslv belonged in the first place!)
to'oiove thev are safe-which essent¡al¡y they
can't do. Toãccomplish this\feat, the lnitiative
establishes a typically elaborate s-ystem to
"phase-out" núkes, ín seven to eleven years, if
industry and government can't pfovide the necessary proofs. And again, iust like Vietnam rroV€'1
ment h¡story, the léSisÍature is being cast in the
role of judeé, as the-êxecutive hrînçh promoted
.and diiectõd'both the war effort and nukedevelopment while the courts ignored or facilitated both deadly conspiracies.
To assist the léeislators, in their technologicaland moral-review, Proposition 15 sets up an
advisory citizens committee ("properly"
balanced) which over a three to fivp year'period is
to cotlect information, hold hearings, and pretty
seneratlv act like any'committee' They will make
ieports tô the leg¡slature, which by the early
19'80's must pass on all the health and safety
questions of existing and future nukes-by a %
vote. Most legislatorb are politicians, meaning. ' '
they are slippãry, need campaign money, and love
to dãal and'negótlate. . . so with 28 more nukes on
the drawing bõards for California, lvho'9 to say.the
"smokey rõm boys"'won't iust sit down anddoJ
up a deai? The conversation-is simple: "How
about 28 nukes?" says Pacific Craft and
' Extortion. The leadership says, '1Wè can't get
more than'the obvious 40o/o lor that." "Well
how about 15 then," gets an estimated 55o/" lram
the leaders; so the utilities demand seven nukes
i;;i ¿on i.ãre how vou do it") and the wonderful,
àver trustworthy póliticians promise the¡eeded
votes! Sound famíliar? All l'm saying is that
the % vote is not magic or impossible to
get-evèn if it is a hassle.

tln llol)-l¡off Uion'
:

tlf lDt'opt)s¡tion 15

allowên offending utility to argue that the federal.
in t, ràn.u aws of-today âre unèon stitutional - and
then avoid paying any iosses whatsoever!,{ndfinallv. vou can bã suie P.C' & E (Pacific Gas &
Êi¿ctii.i has more lawyers waiting in the wings of
California to screw up this law then thefe are
:
movement lawyers all across the cqufrtry'
pubThe lnitiative does order the Governor to
lish annuallv the evacuation plans of endangered
areas arounä nukes. ln some cases, tþat will be a
eood thine because it will force the authorities to
ilt*iü åËüólán.toeether and inform the bie
risktakers, the potential evacuees, that there are
olans on þaper at least!
' wf,il" ihä faaual realitv of Proposition 15 could
turn out to be weakness in the face of tremendous
åooosition from the energy cartel, the passage of
iti" Þ.oposition will have many other positive side
ãff".ts.' lt is the f irst time in world history that a
' iarge-scal e, popu lar democratic vote. has been
r.ËË on-nuiläai power. Proposition 15's passage
.would thus send'out a profound cautionary.signal,
'not
iust in this countrybut across the world' After
ãll. ttt" US did develob the Bomb, and use it, and
thén "we" developeciThe Peaceful Atom (the
be-st PR pitch of the 50's), so it seems only right
and properthat it be an American mandate that
uËË¡ñtitt" shutoff of núclear power-.
Þass br not, nuclear education will reach the
broad massei for the first time ever-people actually learning not only that "peaceful nuke's"
exist. and have problems, but th.at citizens can get
together in new'and unique alliances and do
soäething about it. Couñtry peoplF may take most
ãt tne risli, but city pgople know where their food .
ão.er from, and thäú rêfuse to eat irradiated fiiod
as inuch as the farmers. Technology meets
reality-as usual, in tKe shadowof calamity.
Aná pass or noi, the energy cartel is unhappily
watching the roots grow on a movement that .
chatlengãs their sheer existencq. Our economic
masters surely worry that issues such as energy or
nitural resbuices (oi food, being more o.r less the
same) which unite all people gqually, will grow
and form a grand maiority to bring democ.racy ald , ' ,;
sense to the gluttonous corporations. And you can
be sure that Wall Street is experiencing heart
t*-orr, almost never a bad ihing. . .this is clearly
a Little People vs. Big Money fight.
So the ambivalence thât I feel toward the
Nuclear lnitiative is that of any truthful, practical
- organizer toward liberal legislation-it has the' '.
;;-t5è;' but doesn't gó anywhere near far '
'iifirl
eñough. Through all the ciiticism, though, ¡ . ' "t ,
def initely support the lnitiative-my worry
' focuses mainly on what happens to the movement
the day after the vote.
Ultimately, both the nuclear industry and
government will recognize that a defeat of Propoãit¡on 1s will not defeát this movement, only
intensify it. They will realize, one way or another,
that the'people do suffer from a terminal case of
iornrnon s"nse! Movements expect to lose battles
in the beginning, but as they build, educate and
organize, they overcome.
I

8tfrG

Blfl.T---MaP from LNS.

This'z/t vote covérs two factors of extreme
importance to nuclear opponents- unproven
iafãtv svstems coupted with an outrageous brÇakdown re'cord, and the unpleasant factthat there is
no known method of permanently and safely
storing high tevel radioactive wastes. lþe industrV
eets fÑe more years to get their "proofs" toãether before the "phase'down" begins! HowËvei. althoueh it is the government/industry
n"*us that hãs lied and conspired all these past 30
vears, spending approximately 40 billion tax
äoilars ón R & D, and PR, it will be these same

oeople who will end up testifyin$! I don't trust the
Ñnö or. ERDA today any more than I trusted the
Pentaàon of the 60's. So, if these notorious sectors
are tobe held to the truth, the citizens will have to'
be in great readiness.
thà ¡n¡t¡ative backeis point to their full liability
insurance c[ause as the real and immediate
muscle, irtis the '!put your money where your
mouth is" clause.-lt says if the present nukes do
not have full insurance within one year, then the
ph ase-down beg i n s ai 60o/o capac i-ty with. 1 0olo I es s
broduction every year after. People should

iosically be surprised there isn't full liability alreãdy, éspecially since the venerable Constitution
itseli iavi no person can be denied their property
without ìust compensation ! But again, the situation souirds only too familiar-and long standing
ripoffs are not easily upset. . . I see many problems
ahead for this section.
-'Êi.ii,
*ost legal studies (thoudh still arguable)
indicaté "federãl pre-emption",would be upheld
bv the cdurts, and thus the States Would be restrained'from enforcing the clause. Second, and
even more scary for the citizen, legal briefs have
U"ãn Wi¡tturi (by the Dean of the Ceorge walhington Law School among others) which would

Drawing from Ênvironmental Action of Colorado

une 10, 1976 WIN 7

Calif. Ballot
ROBERT J. BOUDEWUN

April 30, 1976 marked an historical moment in the
struegle for equality, dignity and justice in the
f¡et¿s of California. lt was the culmination of the
efforts of literally hundreds of volunteers, workers
and supporters, who spent 29 dar¡s in April
solicitihg signatures to qualify the Farmworker's
lnitiative fcii the California ballot in November.
Ïhe tnitiative was bor.n from the deadlock that
arose in the Californiá legislature in February
when it refused to appropriate emergency funding
for the continuance of the Agricultural Labor
Relations Board. The Board, the first of ¡ts k¡nd ¡n
the United States specifically for overseeing farm-

workers elections, was created in1975 through an
Act bv the same name.
From the time of the Board's creation until
February of this year, farmworkers were given the
right to úote, by éecrét ballot, for a union of their
choice..lt is imþortant td be aware that in almost
every industry, employees have the right, backed
bv the law, to'vote Íor representation from the
uñion of their choice. Historically, farmworkers
have not had the right to demand union representation, to have their contracts negotiated by
union repiesentatives, nor to have a unio-n that
would sdek to eradicate the injustices of field
working conditions. The situation was changed
througñ the struggles of the United Farmworkers
Union (UfW), led by Cesar Chavez.
As the UFW made progress, making a union to
represent farmworkers a reality, the Teamsters
Union, backed by its big money and a'close relationship with the growers, announced its attempt
to organize farmworkers. To unionize the farmworkérs would enhance its political position, as
well as extend its labor monopolizing impact. The
growers, adamantly opposed to farmworker
unionizirlg by the UFW, openly communicated
with the leamsters to negotiate contracts. An
obvious advantage to the growers was that the
Teamster contracts would maintain the contract
laborer (who would decide the wage to be paid to
the workers), avoid the presence of the union hall
and as such allow the grower to maximize on
harvesting his product with minimal overhead.

When the stiuggle between the UFW and the
growers-backed Tãamsters began, members of
ihe UFW, or those indicating support of. the UFW,
were intimidated, beaten and slandered for
attempting to organize in the fields for humane
working cõnditions, equity in pay and to sgcure
their ¡:ights as human beings. For years, these
rights wére abrogated by the growers, by the
Teamsters and often with the passive
acquiescence of law enforcers, politicians and the
citiiens of this country. lt was felt that with the
entrance of the Teamsters in the fields, it would
be but a short time before the UFW would finally
become defunct. However the UFW continued to
demonstrate to the growers and those of like mind
that the people were there and would not be dissuaded in their goal.
With Covernõr Brown's inauguration, the strife
¡n ine iì"J¿s *ãr rn"Jè intããpiiäiitv ¡ssûe tb be
resolved at the negot¡at¡ng table. Following
numerous sessions and hours of attempting to r
arrive at a package that would be acceptabldto fhe
srowers.-tñe Teamsters and the UFW, the Agriãultural Labor Relations ActoÍ 1975 was agreed
upon, passed in the California legislature and
síeneti by the Covernor into law. Under the Act,
thã farmworkers of California would be allowed to
vote. bv secret ballot, for the union of their choice,
free of intimidation from the growers or the
unions. Within the first six months of its
existence, the Board attempted to ovgrsee over
400 electiôns, more than the National Labor Relations Board (ÑLRB) oversaw in the first year and a
half of its life. Of 382 elections held, with 329
beine decided, 205 (68.80/") were in favor of UFW
reprðsentation. Of 194 ranches previously under
Teamster contract, 93 ranches (10,593 workers)
chose to retain the Teamsters, 69 ranches (11,649
workers) switched to the UFW and32 ranches
(9,99S workers) either switched to "no uniorì,"
ielnain undeciðed, or the election was overturned,
. with a new election requir:ed.
Shortsightedness and an excessive.workload
depleted ihe funds appropriated forthe-Board for
the entire year. As a consequence, the Board approached the state legislature for an emergency
äoprooriation for the remainder of the f iscal year'
Cr'owör and Teamster lobbies in the legislature
seized the moment, successfully preventing any

appropriations for the ALRB. Tþe emphasis
U'ehinA the withholding of enlergèncy appropriations was a demand by the lobbying interests to
ãÅä"4 tñã Áct of 1975,'which thev had embraced
and assisted in authoring, claiming that the
rinembers of the Board were pro-UFW, at was the
ã.i. ÞuUt¡.ution of the decisions of thê Board on
lñã"i".t¡ons it oversaw, released during-the last
;;"Ë;f Áót¡1, clearlv indicate the lack of partiality
toward thä UFW' Despite this, arguments continue in the legislature over whether to
äoorooriate fJnds while maintaining the integrity
;íihãã.i;or to halt such funds until amendments
ãeiéãaUle to the growers and Teamste.rs are inmade
äõãt"d into tñu Act. This has, in effect,
resignagoard
recent
the
with
and
inactive,
in"

uFw soclAl

tion of several Board members, unab.le to continue
üs *órt . nÁàin fart*orkers are unable to determine their ãhoice of unions, if any, to represent
them.
'.
Th; Farmworkers lnitiative is designed to
t"frnã'tñã ÀLRB and to make three amendments
ið1r," nàt. The first provides for access of any
uìion's orsariizers to the field Workers on grgwer
¿äìnã tunch hour and for one hour after
"i'äóã,iv
not presentlv a provision of the
ÃitñóuJñ
ir"iù
Act, this righ[ has been upheld in recent State

'sì-ätã ciuii

ilil;¿;

àecis¡ons. th" second willtriple
i*ã.¿e¿ tothe malisned.partv in the.

Ë"ä"iif *+"ir

lãbor practices on the part

une 10, 1976

either

CALL FOR
SERVICE VOLUXTEERS

v"r'iåv','ãir.iÑ,i;h;ìi'ãÚ "lt"d ratt workers'
Union b"g"n, in the early sixties, by operating
centers for iarm workers and their
social serúice
-iìnce
then, the opèration of these
;;.ä.õãti* centers" has been taken over by The

ililã

fr¡árt¡ir Luther King Farm Workers Fund, q
.trãiitáUf", non-profit Trust Fund established

;ñt tÈÛrw

collective bargaining agreements'
Centers need workers in the rural
rnã ôutp"sino
'California,

Arizona and Florida' These
Campesino Centers provide lay advocacy .and
r*¡iiãi"i.es for farm workers and their families'
if,é *áit includes helping people with unemployseiurity, welfare or immi-"nt. ãisability, social
comätái¡,in claims. lt involves working with
service'
provide
better
help
to
ñiunitv asencies
and
i;;;'tkii; iequired aie the abilitv totowork
ionirun¡.ate with farm workers and organize
to sp.ea.k
iJ.åi.ii." and paperwork.
'desirable.The abilitv
is chalwork
The
!i*[n ¡i ñiettiv
disarid
hard
work
lot
of
a
ããmán¿s
un¿
Ë*;;;
cipline.

á."ãi ãf

lnterested PeoPle should contact:
Roberto Yoarra
Martin Luther King Campesino Center
P.O. Box 150 La Paz
Keene, Calif ' 93531

Robert

Boudewiin worked with the IJFW office

¡lcoicheuã iõi¡i¡í¡ne sisnatures Íor the Initiative
J

I WIN

Óf

iflà giã*ãir or the unions. The third amendment
iôirrî Àct will requiçe 5oo/o of the workers to
.ãñiiv a new elect¡on rather than the 30þ now

une 1O, 1976 WIN 9

The Gentle
Revolutþn
moves g@ntly
'to the nQht
\-!

RONAM. F¡ELDS
Portugal's Revolution of the Red Carnations, Apiil
25,1174, climaxed in September,1975 with the
installation of the sixth Provisional Covernment in
less than two years of a rapidly evolving léftíst
liberation strriggle of the Portuguese. Beople.
During those first eighteen.heady months of liberation fróm the fiftf yeãr old fascist regime of
Salazar and.Caetâño, the military-civilian political
partnership in government had moved from a
.uagu" reformiim to a f.ull scale socialist revólutioñ. Five provisional governments, each moré
radicalthân its predecãssor, had béen established, until the sixth government, faced with
violent counter-revol utionâry gueri I la i ncursions
from the right, and leftist takeover attempts on
NovemberT 5,' 1975, ground the revolution to ê
nearly full stop.
Political violence, a relative newcomer to the.
Portuguese scene, was initiated by Spinolists,.followqri of the former army commanóler, who had
been appointed by the Armed Forces Movement
(MFA) to be the f irst president of the f irst
Provisional Covernment. They were dissatisfied
w¡th h¡s deposition from that position in late September, 1974, andwished to regain the reformist
strateþy of thb first provisional goyernmentl On
March í1, 1975, they launched an armed attack
.against military bases and communications
centers in and arouhd Lisbon. Orte soldier was
killed,'and many others injured as the abortive
coup-sii hcjurjof threat and bravada-e.nded
with the leadeis heading off for Spain and finally
exile in Brazil. But violence escalated with
bombing and shooting attacks in J uly andAugust
launched by guerillas of the ELP (Portuguese
Liberation Atty), most of whom were former
members.of PIDE/DCS (the sectet police) and
other fascigt groups, from their base in Spain.

lr
,i

iir
i

Ronâ M. Fields is Associate Professor oÍ Sociology
at Clark University.

torturers, were relêased from imprisonment, and
so also wärethose persons who had beel particioãnts in the attemóted rightist coup of March 11'
The political violence accelerated with boinbing
attacks on various government buildings;
assassinations of pérsons affixing leftist party
posters to the walls; destruction of the pqÍy
ñãáAq¡urtàrs of PCÞ and leftistpartiesallied with
them;'houseburninis of local left¡st political party
leaders; shooting àisoldiers; and final.ly, the day
before the electiõns for a legislative assembly, the.
bombing of the Cuban embãssy, in which two died
and f ive persons were iniured.
The electioris of April 25,1976, which marked
the second anniversary of the Portuguese revoludemonstrated the conf I icting trends wh ich
have characterized the past year in Portuguese

Nor did the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) help

'maintain stability. From January 1975 onward,
Mario Soares, party s'ecretary and minister in each
of the successive govqrnments, ,segregated his
þarty from the otñer leftist partiesãnd perlisted in
attacking the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) ¡tself and their Prime Minister, Vasco Concalves,
theoretician of the reúolution. The parties of the
left, including the Portuguese Communist Party
(PCP), numbèred thirteen separate and often
warring entities; uttering more invective against
the PCP than against the resurgent rightists. ln
this, they had s[range bedfellows, as PS and the
Rqman Catholic Hierþrchy of Portugal joined in
the attacks on PCP añd together aligned themselves against thç MFA.'
The cõnstitutional assembly, elected on April
25,1975, consisted of representatives of six politi':
cai parties of which PS had the largest (but not a
maiority) share. The assembly did not get down to
woik on drafting a constitution. Instead, its
meBtings became a forum for PS and PPD (P.opular Democratic Party-social dqmocrats, to the '
right of center) representatives to decry the MFA
program for organizing grass roots workers'
participaþn.
pol
--iiliticalRät;
øl¡[,aãn¿ Radio Renascenca cases .
which ertipted in May and J une, provided political propaganda designed to demohstrate the
intoierance of the MFA and the belligerence of the
PCP towards a pluralistic democracy. Republica, a
privately owned newspaper, hewing strongly to ,
the PS li'ne, refused the demands of its printers to
, identify itself on the masthead as a BS newspaper.
The workers struck, and the editoÈ, a PS party
,leader, Paul Rego,, demanded that the MFd seal
the building. The MFA complied, and Rego re- ç
fused to accept either the demands of the wo/kerS
or the re-employment of sevêral of the strike
[eaders after the workers acquiesced. Consequently, the workers took over and ran Republica,
albeit unsuccessfully. Meanwhile, there had been
continual agitation amongst the workers át nadio
Renascencã. the Church owned radio station. The
' worker5
demanded that either the Church remain
out of politics (the Hierarchy had warned
parishioners against voting for Marxist part¡es in
ihe elections), or that they pfesent all points of
political view. The Hierarchy refused; the workers
iook over the radio station, and thé struggle was
joined.
ln September, the ouster of Prime Minister
Goncalúes was áccomplished by a coalition of far
left with the PS and PPD, the latter two parties
having walked out of the fourth government.
Meãnwhile, the flood of retournadoes, refugees
from the former Portuguese Africán colonies
which had been granted independence, thronged
the'streets of Lisbon, swelling the ranks of unärptãvã¿, ánd b¡ttàily oppor-"d the MFA and
leftists who had negotiated the decolonilation.
The resurgent PDC (Party for Christian
Democracy) and CDS (Center Social Democrats)
found neù support amongst these refugees.
Former PIDE/DCS agents, including known

voters and conceivably make up half the gain of
the conservative parties. Another factor-, however,
has been the economic crisis in Portugal which has
increased the tendencv of the subsistence farmers
of the north and central regions towards conservative politics. On Easter Sunday prior to the :
elections, thev were directed by their'clergymen
to vote against "Codlessness and Marxism'" Two
thirds ofihese people are,illiterate and there are
few channels oi information available for them in
their isolated villages since they lack electricity,
and television.
-sanitation, radios
i¡rbon ánd the south are the stronghold of
leflism in Portugal now. The tenant farmers a.nd
iãr* ånot"ts oflhe southern districts formed '
cãoperatives and confiscated the largest land '
holäines consisting of thousands pf acres' ln
f

Demonstrators in
Portugal rally
behind a banner
reading "Forward
Revolutionary
Progress." Photo
from Lutta

Continua/LNS.

of it. must indicate the continuing strength of the
left¡st revolution. lf they are considered with the
leftist parties, including PCP (Portuguese Communisi Party), then Marxism has scored a victory
in Portusal, although rightist parties polled higher
o"rcãntäei of the vote this year than thei díd in
iast yèar'-s elections for the constitutional convention.
Complicating factors include the voting patterns
of Angòlan ref ugees, many of who¡ are still
residi-ne in temporary housing and unemployed;
angry iíthe revolutionary government which, in :
thè-ir'eves. save away Angola to the liberation
arnries'of tlie left. They comprise about 4% of the
.

Lisbon, workers' cooperatives have flourished in
circumstances as different as auto mechanic shops
ancl nursery schools, as well as hotels, restaurants
and f actories.
The range of political platforms has been staggerin g. Thl s relatively un soph i sticated populStion
has been faced with a choice between tourteen
political parties this year in contrast with twelve .
iast year. Even while the vote was being counted

i;;ìÅ;l".c"iãtrré, tnà'pãrtiài iã'*énã"4

WIN .lune

10, 1976

r
t

r"-

rrresidenlial campaigns. The malority of their
candidates are military men, members of the
Arrned Forces Movemènt, which two years ago
sucl.essf ully overthrew the forty-eight year pld
l¿s.liri resime. rhe pos¡tionãt:it',u ñ-til¡ia':v i"¡lt
again be ðrucial in tñe new government since det-ision nraking powers will reside with the President ancl the Council of the Revolution. For this
s wi I I
i n g presi dential
-election
be even more important than the elections iust
pasl

r€ìas()n, th e upcom
.

9Y
10

tn"¡'

June 10, 1ez6

wlN 1t

ß PORTT]GAL MOVIT{G
TO\AARD SOCIALISM
OR EASCISM?

ffi
v0t{¡

MICHAEL UHL & TOD ENSIGN
On April 25th, the'Portuguese, for the first time
since the founding of ,the Republic over 50 years
ago, elected a parliament, the Assembly of the
Republic. The balloting will be complete on J une
27 with the election of the President. Portugal's
president will enjoy broad powers; becoming the
president of the Council of the Revolution & the
supreme military commander. The Prime Minister
appointed by the President will propose apolitical
program to the 263 deputies of the Assembly. This
will represent the first attempt to govern Portugal
as a parliamentary democracy since 1926, when a
fascist coup toppled the republic.
The parliamentary election results discredited

\ -È

the Western obseivers who predicted "retaliaby the electorate against the parties of the
left in protest against the "turmoil" and
" anarchy' ' of the past two years. I n fact, the
parties of the left retained their national majority
wtth 53o/o of the total vote, although this represented a slight contraction from the 58%o they won
in last year's Constituent Assembly (charged with
drafting a new constitution). Desþite the setbacks of November 25th, in which the "provisional" government of Prime Minister Azevedo
crushed a rebellion of left paratroopers âs â pr€:
text for de-politicizing and re-organizing the mili-'
tary and regaining control of the mass media, the
voting demonstrates that the balance of social
forces remains essentially unchanged today.
To be sure, the nature of the struggles between
the working and employing classes has been altered considerably. The period in which mass
der_nonstrations, factory and land takeovers predominated has ended, yet hundreds of battles by
groups of workers to defend and expand,gains
won in the past two years continue. A new wave of
unionizations is taking place,'bringing thousands
of previously unorganized workers into the
movements for unionism and workers control. The

tion"

Michael Uhl and Tod Ensign helped form the
Portugal lnlormation Center (PlC) with other New
York based activists. fhose wishing to receive the
PIC bulletin, may write: PIC, 175 Fifth Ave.
#1010, New York, NY 10010 (donation requested).
12

WIN J une 10,

1926

Pórtuguese working class is the most organized
such class in the West, with two and a half o.ut of
three million workers belonging to one trade union
or another. The widespread network of workers

commissions [WlN, 7 /17 /751retain, for the most
part, their control over crucial work-place decisions such as productivity standards, hiring,
promotion, and dismissal. Their militance and
unity will continue to be tested in the future as it
has been in recent months, as the government
attempts to exact the pric'e of "re-stabili2ation" of
the economy and the resumption of "growth"
from industrial and agricultural workers.
The parliamentary elections were an important
arena for this class struggle and also a barometer
of political.currents in the country as a whole.
Analysis of the voting provides some significant
indicators. The victory of the left is deduced by
comb!ning the votes of the Portuguese Socialist
Party (PS) (35o/o), Portuguese Comrnunist Party,
(PCP) (14.5o/o) and other left groups (3.5%).Moit
Portuguese working people remember too well the
repressive brutality and misery under fascism
to be lulled by the appeals of the rightist Social
Democratic Center (CDS). ln areas of the country
where reactionary, sentiments have been loudest,
the PS actually improved its position over last
year. At the same time, the PCP increased its total
vote to 14.5o/o (up from last year's 12%). ln areas
where tlre workers' organizations have been most
active, (Evora, Portalegre, Setubal, Lisbon &
Beja) the PCP gained support from those who
voted with the PS last year.
The perception that sociâlism is the only
alternative to the restoration of fascism is growing
daily. lt is directly relâted to the relative success
or failure of the parliamentary period about to
begin. lf the majo.rity vote for the left is translated
into a progressive bloc within the parliament, one
that attacks profits, not wages, and conditions,
then a more graduated evolution toward socialism
might be possible. But if the next government, as
is probable, chooses instead to resolve the current
economic crisis by creating a "favorable" climate
for foreign and domestic investment, at the
expense of the workers, the question of workers
power will come that nruch rnore quickly to the
fore.

An example of political poster warfare in Lisbon. Photos by Michael Uhl

The current status of the four maior parties

Portuguese Communist PartY (PCP)
At thðcore of the left majority is th'e PCP which
has '120,000 enrolled members at present. l! .
enjoys, by virtue of its active and experienced
cadre, deep influence within most industrial
facilities and among the farm workers of the
south. ln addition, it exercises hegemony over the
single significant trade-union federation, the
tntersindica/. Even considering that its vote increase partly resulted from pi'cking up votes from
the now-defunct Portuguese Democratic Movement (MDP), a party-controlled eleçtoral group,
the party's ability to consolidate and even gain
strength is impressive. Over the past year, the
PCP ñas been'the main target of a well-financed
campaign of terror and slander by the right. ln the
absence of a coherent and mature revolutionary
alternative, it is eminently sensible that many
workers would rally to the only party they view as
having the experience and commitment to defend
their short-term interests'
Cil Çreen, a member of the central committee of
the Communist Party, USA and author of Portueal's Revolution recently wrote that: "The objeciives of the Party (PCP) are not an armed seizure
of power, but a peaceful transition from one stage
of ihe revolution to the next." lt is not certain that

the more recent PCP members are as wedded to
this rigid litany as the old-line leadership. lt may
be thai thè combativity of the working class in the
face of the industrialists' and large lanclholders'
drive to regain greater control of the levers of
economic power will make the party's adherênce
to "peaceful transition" appear as folly. Under
, such conditions, it is possible that militants and
sympathizers of the PCP will break with the
authoritarian and bureaucratic executive and act
decisively in the interest of the woiking class.
ln the final analysis, the PCP is a reformist
party. The PCP program for a "revolution in
stages" with the first stage being the national;
democratic "revolution".may jibe with the desires
of those European governments who favor status '
quo,but it is certainly npt in the interest of the
Portuguese majority. lf the PCP accepts for itself
the role of "disciplin arian" in service to capitalist
'rehabilitation in Portugal, ¡t will be preparing the
way for a f ull-blown restoration of fascism.
Revolutionists are hoping that Communist
workers and militants will not acquiese in this
mechanistic vision of "revolution by stages."

Portuguese Socia/ist Party (PS)
Compared to the PCP, it is much more diff icult to
'discern the true class character of the PS. The
PCP's rank and file is overwhelmingly drawn from
June 10. 1976 WIN 13

the working-class and is, in geneial, intensety
militant. Their socialist and class consciousness,
both subjectively and objectively, is extraordinarily high. Among PS members, by contrast,
this is often not the case. That the party-leadersh ip cou ld systematical ly espouse ànti-workin g
class policies since the April '74 revolt is some
evidence of this. Though the Socialists pay lip
service to the attainment of socialism irì eôrtirgal,
in practice the party as primarily addressed thé
worki n g class through anti-comm un ist demagogy
and appeals to anti-fascist sentimentl Since lãsi.
month's elections, Mario Soares has made no
effort to conceal his determination that the
working class bear the buràen of alleviating the
current economic 'trisis." He stated in A Luta, a
Socialist newspapei nqw edited by Raut Rego
(former Republica owner) that "it ís necessãry to
explain to the working class and the trade union
leaders that they must limit their demands in a
realistic manner. lf social agitation continues and

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productivity declines, this can only benefit the
R¡sht."
This statement assumes further meaning in the
context of the recent voting. Soares appear-s committed to his pledge to form a minority government made up mostly of PS ministers with some
independents. He evidently hopes to play the
Communists off 'against the center-right Popular
Democrats (PPD) rather than enter even a tac¡t
'allidnce with the PCP. ln addition, he recently an.
nounce_d party support for the candidacy of Army
chief of staff, Ramalho Eanes as President. As
Eanes already enjoys the endorsement of both
right wing parties (PPD and CDS) he is a strong
favorite for election. Soares clearly has opted for
capital i st over social i st.sol utions to Portugal's
problems. He naturally anticipates an acute rise in
working class militancy. Who better to deal with
such "social agitation" than the military's top
general, who directed the November 25 campaign
against the left.
Yet, within the PS many contradictions remain.
A deep gulf exists betweèn the national leadership

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and the party's militants at the basè. Like the
PCP, the Socialists also have 120,000 cardcarrying members. However, the general level of
commitment and discipline present among,the
parties'members cannotbeequated. Rs ãleftwing Socialist leader from Castelo Branco put it:
"the majority of PSers' are de emblema."'They

publicly display the party symbols, but can't be
considered activists. Another 5o/o he described as
clientela-clients or syncophants of one or another
of the party's charismatic leaders. This leader estimated, however, that there are at least 15,000
party members sþread across the country, who are
serious militants, actively engaged in organ,izing
and defunding a bona fide socialist program. This
se_ctor of the membership is in constant conflict
with the leadership, althouþh they remain, at the
same time, staunchly anti-Communist. Such
members will typically have personal "horror"
stories, often relating back to the long years of
struggle against fascism, when the PCP
"manipulated" or "betrayed" them in this or that
struggle. They will also describe, without much
prompting, current problems they believe to be
brought on bythe PCP's.domination and of the
various trade-unions and the lntersindical.
' Like the Communist members, the PS militants
appear fully aware óf the contradictions and
shortcomings of their party, but feel that they can
best struggle for remedy within the party
apparatus. They assert that only by pressure from
the party constituency can the leadership be induced to adopt programs consistent with the
aspirations of the working clais. Such militants
within the PS will be watching the actions of
Soares and his allies closely in the months to
come. ln the event of an open shift to the right, the
Socialists might well undergo a deep split, witñ
many from the PS finding cõmmon grounA With
many from the far-left which is currently undergoing a re-groupment.
Another faction exists within the PS which has
much closer ties to the Church and to small
businessmen and farmers. Members of this fac-

A combined C-ommunist and Soc¡alist Party rally drèw over 20O,00O people to 1st de Maio Stadium in Lisbon on May Dav,1976.

tion have often come i nto the þarty in an ef fort to '
form a bulwark against PCP influence within the
trade unions. lf the Socialists werê to enter a
coalitionofìhe left
the new Assembly,'for
'purposeùf formingwithin
a Covernment, this fabtion
could move quickly to the right.
This is the dilemma of the PS-the result of,its
duplicïtious policies and its constant attempts to
juggle the left against the rieht. Once in power, as
a minority government, it eventually will have to i
choose one path or the other. As the economic
- situation deteriorates, the room to maneuver
grows more constricted, Ultimately, Soares'
strategy for economic recovery is pubject to the
largesse of international capital arid its governments. Without massive injeetions of foreign
credits and loans, the economy vyill ccintinue to
stagnate and floûnder. Civen receht evidenciõf
"instability" within Portugal, it seems unlikely
that foreign investors will choose to risk large sums without extensive guarantees of social
'lstability" for the foreseeable future.
:
,

Poþular Democrats (PPD)
-As the PS was losing votes to the left, the PPD lost
some ground (21/r%) to the right. The Popular
Democrats continue to enjoy the support of the
large capitalis[ interssts. While their chief influence is among urban owning classes and skilled
technocrats, they also enjoy some influence with
white collar workeis. ln Porto, for example, the
PPD slate recently wrested control of the Bankine
Employees union irom the PS. Like the PS, the.
PPD often presents contradictor.y positions,
' ranging from social-democratic rhetoric advocating a gradual and peaceful transition to
socialism, to reactionary calls for law and order,
including the return of occupied factories and
farms to the¡r previous owners. 'i
!n-late 1975,the PPD systematically purged
many of its left social-democratic members, thus
revealing its true pro-capitalist bias. Some of
. those expelled gravitated into the PS. lts mass appeal at this þoint consists largely of those salaried
wofkers who see their privileged level of consumption being protected by the PPD's policy of
attracting foreign investment ahd keeping bluê
collar wages as low as Possible.
Socra/ Democratic CePter (CDS)
The CDS is truly the party of reaction in Portugal.
It is the only malor party fully opposed to agrarian
reform, nationalization of industry and de-colonization. During the last year's elections, CDS
candidates had a good deal of difficulty conducting public campaigns, so intense were the

.\
I

hatreds toward the old fascist regime with which

WIN

CDS was identified. This year, it campaigned
without diff iculty and more than doubled¡ its vote

(160/o\.ln a number o:f districts it dislodgbd the
PPD as the dominant PartY.
Through a front organi_zatlon, the Confederation
of Portuguese;Farmers (.C¡P), in league üvith the
estate-owners, exploited the fears and ignorance
of the land-dependeht small farmers. They

demagogically distorted the nature of agrarian rel
form so'that the subsistence peasants became
convinced'that the Communists would not only
expropriate frcçn the large estate holders but also
steal their smalÌ plots and desecrate their
churches. ln fact, the PCP's agrarian program
rejècts coercion, próviding only for voluntary
participat¡on by the small farmer:s induced bythe
econom ic,advantages of coopèlatives.
As freq.enterprise's champioh in Portugal, the
' CDS is also strongly allied with both the Catholic,Church and the Confederation of Portuguese lr¡dustrialists. Yet, at a Lisbon press conference on
April Z7 , party leader Freitas do Amaral refused
to ch aracterize h i s party as {'capital ist.'''' " Capitalism is deád in Portugal. We don't want tg turn
back the clock, that would be impossible,l' he
stated; "CDS is not technically a socialist party
either, but much less is it a caþitalist party," he
added. With this neat piece of demagogy, the
neo-fascists demonstrate that even they recognize
that a frontal attack on the "socialist" goals of the
revolutien-however ldng range-is still pre'mature. ln its public posture, the CDS regularly
defends delnocracy, b'ut lt is widely believed in
Portugal that it has deep links'to the'clandestine
organizations of fascist terror such as the ELF
(Pórtuguese Liberation Army) and the MDLP
(Democratic Movement to Free Portugal) which ,
was created by exiled'Ceneral Spinola. CDS
leader Amaral is bold enough to publicly warir of
a "right¡st" coup if the PS tried to govern without
blocking with the right parties- While the CDS attempts to escape any responsibility forthe
economic chaos and confusion of the past two'
t , yeârs,
by portraying itself as an "opposition"
\ party, the left rebuts that iñ actu.ality the CDS was
in power for the past 48 years and must þe held
accountable for the miserable condition bf the
economy today.
The Far Left parties and groups

Largety because of the premature advocacy of
armed insurrection by some of the parties, many ,
elements of the revolutionary left have súffered a
loss of prestige and inf luente within thé working
class. Following the November 25th debacle,
'
these organizations underwent extensive periods
Unfortunately,
the
criticism.
of internal
subsequent actions of some of the organizations '
indicate they have failed to learn from these mis- '
takes.
--ïft"

Protetarian Revolutionary Party (PRP) for
example, has concluded that its principal error
was not in calling for'insurrection but that it
should have acted two months earlier than it did'.
Thus, they rêfuse to acknowledge that a revolutionary'perio$ is not necessarily an insurrectionary one. Because ôf the whòlesalê purginS of
left-officers and soldiers conducted since November 25th, PRP influencewithin-the military has
been seriously eroded. Recently, the PRP has
taken to challenging the revolutionary bona Ïides '
of most of its sister revolutionary oganizations and
their ¡nternational supporters by asserting: "they

une 10, 1976

June 10, 1926 WIN 15

-11¡,,-,.r;"':;g.å!çiâ*¿¡r¡á-txi.*¡.*;.ì'.

.Ì"¡qà¡!rn;',r,;-6 ù

'.'i

Meanwhile in another part of Lisbon, a unif ied demonstration of the far left (PRP, MES, FSP, UDp) brought out an est¡mated 10,000 people for May Day

don't really want the revolution badly enough to
risk dying lor it." PRP's formulation'is basõd on
an analysis which ¡ejects any transitional stage in
the achievement of socialism and which view! the
threat of fascism's return as imminent. pRp,s
analysis seems to be drawn more from.its own
historical experience.as a party than from the
objective reality of Portugal. ïne pRp evolved
lqrge.tV from the Revolutionary Brigades (BR),
clandestine armed struggle groups which empJo.yed guerilla tactics against thö fascist regime.
lf the PRP reverts to those tactics during thõ
current period, it will become increasingly
marginal to the revolutionary process which continues to advance, albeit at a slower pace than
before November 25th.
The Movement of the Socialist Left (MES) faces
some of the same difficulties as the pRp. A significant number of members have left since
November 25th. the¡r principal criticisms of the
MES were: a lack of internal democracy, sec, tarianism which was directed mostly at PS
militants and workers, and for being a "satellite,,
of the PCP on tactical questions. MES shares
PRP's belief that no significant "democratic"
period is possible in Portugal today and postulates
that only revolutionary socialism or fascism are
p'ossible alternatives for the imrnediate future.
Unlike the PRP, the MES did offer candidates in
the recent elections, winning just half of the total
vote it received last year. tt differs from the PRP
in that it does not currently call foi the aimlng qf
the working'class or for inÁurrection in the near
future. lt does however, share their advocacy for
unity among allworkers at the base to defend the
workers power organization against the coming
repression.
,

-{*
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The lnternational Communist Le4gue (LCl),
sympathizing organization of the Fôurth lnternational, áppears to be gaining adherents and it
increased its vote totals siþnif icantly over last
year's- But it remains quite small, exercising
much less inf luence in the wor.king class thañ the
other left groups. While the LCI hãs a very
sophiqticated theoretical program, there is a sense
that it operates on an abstract, ideological plane,
As one revolutionist expressed it: "the LCl,s' ¿
practice is not based on a thorough analysis of
Portuguese sociallformations. Cood speeches just
don't cut it, for now people are sick of'words.'t
There is some evidence that LCI may be taking
this criticism to heart. At the May Dãy rally (cälled
by PCP and PS trade unions) atte;deá by iOò,OOO
workers, LCI militants were highly visibie distributing their literatùre and leaflets. The other
left groups (PRP, MES, UDP (Popular Democratic
- Uniori) organized,a'separate rally which drew perhaps ten thousand young people. That they would
not participate in the massive rally (ostensibly because it was merely a "celebration") draws into
question their constant appeals to unity among
workers.

The Popular Democratic Union (UDp) is a
Marxist-Leninist organization with the itandard
Maoist positions on foreign policy questions:ì.ð.,
Angqla (opposed the MPLA), the USSR (social.
!mperialist), Portuguese CP (miniond of Moscow)
Domestically however,,the UDP and its newly
created party, the Portuguese Communist Party:
Reconstructed (PCP-R), have constructed a
reformist program which seeks to direetly compete with the PCP for suppo4t among the masses.
UDP's stated objective is to make a national,

democratic revolution which will render Portugal
free of domination by the super powers li.e..-US
& USSR). lt flatly aséerts that socialist revolution
is not now on the agenda, period. ln essence, it
calls for support of a PS-led government during
this period.
ln practice, the UDP is perhaps the most effective of the far left parties. Unlike the other groups,
it has had some success forging a worker farmer
alliance in the North. UDP has also been able to

recruit successfully from among left-leaning PS
members. The UDP's prediction that it would gain
substantially in the elections proved to be in error,
as they succeeded only in re-electing their one
deputy, who will be the sole far-left member of
parliament. The light vote for the far-left can be
explained in part by the desire of most voters to
avoid scattering or diluting their impact among
several small left parties. lnstead, almost allthe
left vote was concentrated in the PCP and PS's
columns.
The United Socialist Movement (MSU) is a new
pre-party formation_which represents a re-groupment of former MES, PRP, and LUAR (Unified'
Leag ue of Revol ution ary Acti vi sts
- now argely
defunct) members. MSU emerged partly from
those who shared a common criticism of'the
act¡ons of the far-left parties around the events of
November 25th. They share a belief that the inter.
national situation is not favorable for a revotutionarv advance in Portugal at present. Fror¡ this
they conclude that-a.defensive strategy for
protecting gains of the past two years must be organized. Politically,.they advocate a minority
government led by thq lS *l!þ a strong; indópendent PCP in opposition. They fear that a
PS/PCP coalition government would provoke a
I

major right mobilization. As a minority government, the PS, under pressure from the PCP and
the mass movement, would be forced to pursue a
left policy. This strategy, they maintain, would
prevent the right from coming to power except via
acoup d'etat. Like the rest of the left, MSU places
emphasis on defending and strengthening the
"pre-socialist" organizations of workers power,
such as the workers'commission.

*****
The following seem to be the tasks for revolutionaries in Portugal tgday. First, to build a
revolutionary organization capable of uniting the
working class at the base and vigorously
defending their material gains, rights and organizations. Second, to resist romantization of the
revolutionary process while proceeding to a clear,
objective analysis of domestic and international
conditions. ln this regard, it is crucial to recognize
the necessity of a program for a transitional stage
to socialism, while at the same time supporting
movements which provide leadership from within
their own ranks (not from above) when the time
for the next revolutionary advance presents itself
Fascism could, in fact, re-emerge in Portugal
eventually. However, for the present, major
sectors of the bourgeoisie still support ä parliamentary solution to the current economic crisis.,
Until such time as they abandon this road, the left
must learn to maneuver in the time and space
between fascism and socialism. ln particular,
thousands of small farmers in the North must be
won to the revolutionary cause. The disparity in
consciousness between the south and north must
be bridged if the working class is to emerge victorious from the decisive battle.
.

une 1ô, 1976
J

une 10, 1976 WIN 17

bybuilding a "massive

grass-

roots movement which takes the
case into the streets" çan Cary
Tyler be freed. They called on
people, particularly in the South
to come to New Orleans on J uly
17th to "concretely show our
determination to free Cary

Tyler." ln conjunction with

0
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nounced.

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THE FBI STILL READS WIN!
Among the material released in
the transcript of hearinþs before
the Senate Select Committee on
lntelligence (the Church committee is an excerpt from a WtN
article that appeared in the FBI
f iles. The Church committee
revealed that the FBI engaged in
extensive surveillance of the
women's liberation movement
f rom 1968 on. Cited in the report
as a source/ along with women's
movement publ ications, leaf lets
and the New York Times, is an
aiticle by Robin Morgan in the
February 15,1969, WIN entitled

"Women's Liberation."
The article is a report on the
women's action at the 1968 Miss
America beauty pageant and the

birth of WITCH (Wome¡'s lnternational Terrorist Conspi racy
from Hell) and its initial actions on
Wall Street and New York's Lower
East

Side.

-News Desk

SUSAN SAXE TRIAL
POSTPONED

McLaughlin postponed Susan
Saxe's trial for murder frorn May
17 to September 15. Saxe, a radicalfeminist lesbian, is charged
with participating in a1970
Boston bank robbery that resulted
in a policeman's death. After
going underground with
Katherine Power, Saxe was arrested in Philadelphia in April,
1975.
Saxe is also attempting to act as

co-counsel in her case: But J udge

WIN J une 10,

1976

PLC MEMBERS "DISMANTLE''
MILITARY BASE

The Pacific Life Community continues to escalate nonviolently its
efforts to build resistance to the
Trident submarine and missile
systems in the Vancouver, British
Columbia-Seattle area.
On May 11, Michaele Adams,
Shelley Douglass and Caroline
Wildflower entered the Bangor,
Washington naval base (where
the Trident will be stationed) to
plant a garden. They were ejected
repeatedly and each issued two
bar:ring letters to the base.
Despite this, they returned and
finally planted the garden on the

May 22 in Washington, DC to
com memorate Af rican Liberation

Day.

Participants gathered in
Malcolm X Park for a march and
rally, which was sponsored by the
Al l-Af rican Peoples Revol utionary
Party, headed by former Student
Non-Violent Coor:di nati ng Committee chairperson Stokely Carmichael.
Representatives of several
liberation movements addressed
the rally, including speakers from
the Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the
Puerto Rican Socialist Party,
Zimbabwe African Nationai ¡
Union, Palestine Liberation Organization and the African
Nationál Council .
Speakers stressed the importance of building support for the
People's Republic of Angola, for
'the rising liberation struggles in
southern Africa, and voiced opþosition to all forms of racism and
imperialism. -Guardian/LNS

base.

On Monday, May 3, J udge Walter

Niclaughlin has denied

to allow her to do so. Nancy
Certner, Saxe's attorney, has
asked for a hearing from the justices of the Massachusetts
Supreme J ud¡cial Court. lf the
court agrees to hear the appeal
(which they may not) they still
may not rule in Saxe's tuuor_"a*

a motion

On May 17, Jo Maynes, Laurie
Raymond and Alice Ray-Keil at-

tempted to physically dismantle
the base. They removed several
large 5ections of the perimeter
fence before they were arrested
and charged with "depredation of

government property."

GARY TYTER DEMON.
STRATION PLANNED
FOR NEWORLEANS
Plans for a massive demonstration
on J uly 17th were announced in
Atlanta, May 19 at a press conference called by the Southern

Conference Educational Fund
-John William/PLC (SCEF). The focus of the
scheduled march is freedom for 17
sMO CELEBRATE AFRICAN
year-old Cary Tyler, a Black youth
LIBERATION DAY IN
currently on death row in Angola
WASHINGTON, DC
prison.

Nearly 5,000 people from different
areas öf the country gathered on

the

march, a goal df presenting over
100,000 signatures of protést to
Louisiana's governor was an-

Speakers at the press conference voiced the opinion that only

explanation that the buyer only
got a small portion because the
military was taking the other portion of the pie (the buyers were
allowed to buy the other portion
back after making a small doñation to the People's Life Fund).
Organizers for the Fair were
happy with the turnout- looking
into the future they hope to continue the Fair idea at least once a
year in various parts of the San
Francisco Bay Area.

.Tyler was convicted by an all-Blaine Metcalf
white jury for a1974 shooting
death of a white student in
Destrehan, Louisiana. The
COURT NARROWS
shooting occurred during a mob s , TEAFLETTING R¡GHTS

attack on a busload of Blãck stuln a decision that will make it
dents that was part of oppositjon
;;i;
difficult for counselors ro
to desegregation of tl
oe s pi t J,u.î

n,,."u"

J,"¡ o'nT

8i'i¡

iñ3i1,"î, ñ,î'

tilgilî"î|': tå|ü,

-i:ü"1ì';Ë
|'å5 å,i t I
iå..
läi#$1,1ï.Iì:äli::'i,rg,
coe1ge! by prosecgtors intofalsely
",
i"u'illt¡ng without prior
r - approval
-r
testifying against Tyle.rat the
Uäsãi.
""iil"Çase,
original trial, Jud*u
T:,:1"-..,^_,_ "ï,o¡i;iirv creer v. Spocket al.

rvler's u,å.' zq-B+B,March 24, 1e76), in
Y:l'l:l::t^T:.îl[1î"i"d
t9'l:-l]:t-il^tyt11:'^, toveriules the Cóurt's þrevi^t^t^, èffect
rvrone urooKs, ot
in Flower v. tJ.'5., 4o7
ous
decision
::::-,.:lllud
lfl lw" are,happy to join with úï1ez'Ëk;*å.'r,ã¿'r,Llä 1,at a
ì!jI:11î.iï:qiî:.pil'^':-,..

person mayleafletwithoutprior

äpproval on portions of miliiary
ffTltliil9î.llllllv;"'^n-"31',v^
nope rs Dy mobrllzrnc-.lur?::f'^",
bäies that *'ere open to the
to C-el a new trial." Brooks called ãiËì¡..
on otner groups ut'o::.tl:,:ountry Persons
wishing to distribute
to endorse the

demonst.utiol^-- disciargeintorma:t¡ãniõöls

-J\'Er

s00 pEopLE ATTEND
coNVERsroN

pEAcE 3i::fL::îjfff.îH'*iî,'
Ë-à";Tãå;,ii¡íät

FA¡R

500 people attended a day

long

peace Cbnversion Fair atîhe "
Community Center in Palo Alto
May 15. The event, co-sponsore¿
by tile local United'Nat¡öns Rlsc
añd the Mid_peninsuta Conver_
sion Project, included booth ãisplays by50 bay-Area groups including: B-1 Bomber, Common

õãrsãle.otogy Action, ÚFW,
Ãinnesty íni"rl-'
national, KPFA (the Berkeley

wnliw"tt,

Pacifica'Station, which ¡s now

i¡itãn"r run), several

communitv

rìã¡u gtorñt, and uai¡ou;;h;;
-- - '-'
ãitìiãnäct¡cjn greups.
'
Also included were street ..

theatre skits and films such as

;;b:îiiJ;åi:::'ñï"i,ii.:l$
L"äyìi;

rr'ãviä-Ë"'tit:g!"'

Conversion Project soro " Farr
Shacks," while WRL/West sold
pies and cookies with the

could

in theory seek and get prior ap-

r"urt

ir.;bäbrú

one counselor establishes by court
act¡on the right to leaflet using
such material' That process is
long,.elPensive, and given the
mood of,thlcourts, quite possibly
futile. The Court,s decision will

surqly deter.many from trying.
decision in Creer makes it
,,The
all the more urgent to reach young
people before they enter the'míli-tar.y. Before a person ioins the
milltary; he or she cannot in any
waybe prevented from
receiving-and counselors from
g.iving-information about discharge and the r-ealities of military

life.

-CCCO News Notes

Sweden's history against a foreign
visitor, over 12,000 protestors
turned out in Stockholm to denounce US Secretary of State
HenryKissinger. The demonstrators massed at the gates of the
US Embassy shoutinþ "Kissinger.
is a war criminal," and "Crush
imperialism."
Kissinger's visit represented an
attempt by the US to re-establish
friendly relations with Sweden,
one of western Europe's most
outspoken critics of American
policy in Southeast Asia. Both na.
tions recalled their ambassadors
during the brutal Christmas,
1972, bombing of North Vietnam.
Joining in world-wide protest
against the massive US bombing,
Swedish Frime Minister Olaf
Palme called the US attacks "a
form of torture. " Now it appears
that the two goúernments are
willing to forget their differences
and re-establish relations. - LNS
EVENTS

CHICACO-A benefit folk concert
for the Continental Walk featuring
Eric Hansen, Mark Siegel and
others. )une12, B:-15 pm at the
Blue Gargoyle Coffee House, 5655
S. University, Chicago.

NYC:The Socialist Party of
Manhattan meets J une'10, 7:30
pm at Dave McReynolds' apt., 60
East 4th St., #11. Anyone in=
terested in democratic socialism is
welcome.

NYC--Rallyto Stop S--1, June'12,
2pmat 72nd St. & Broadway.
Speakers, music and theater
featured. Sponsored by the West
Side Coalition Against Senate Bill
One. For information, call
431-4272.

NYC-Sam Dolgoff , author of.
"The Spanjsh dnarchist Collectives" and "Bakunin on
Anarchy ,' ' speaks on ''Revolution
vs. Counterrevolution." )une 12,
8 pm at St. Mark's Church, 2nd
Ave. & 10th St. Sponsored by
IWW Monthly Forum. For information, call477-3355.

PHILA.-Kay

ltyDEMoNsrRArE
fi,"#à:ltrrssrNcER
ln what was reported to be the
largest demonstration in

Camp speaks on

"Women and Militarism." J une
14,12 pm at the Bicentennial
Women's Center, Pennwalt
BIdg.,17th St. & the Benj.
Franklin Pkwy. Sponsored by the
NE Phila. WILPF Branch.
J

une 10, 1976 WIN 19

iì'
1

I
:

probably be new and are worth meeting. The editor's
introduition is immediately followed by two chaþters
from Cene Sharpe's Exploring Nonviolent
Alternatives which discuss "The technique of
nonvlolent action" and introduce the concept of

"National defense without armaments." April
Carter's "Violence and power'f from her book Direct
Action and Liberal Democracy weighs the effects of
violent and nonviolent techniques of social protest.
IKKEVOLD: STRATEGI I KLASSEKAMPEN
Theodore Ebert then assesses the drawbacks of
(NONVIOLENT ACTION: STRATEGY lN THE
armed revolutionary struggle and finds them proCLASS STRUCGLE)
hibitive in the developed countries. This essay of
Jens Thoft, ed¡tor
"Technical obstacles to a violent revolution" is taken
1974 / GMT /Copenhagen
from his 1965 doctor's thesis CewaltÍreier Aufstand:
Alternative zum Burgerkrieg which appeared in book
! consider the struggle for a better societY, for
form (in Cerman) in1972,
socialism, to be the fundamental purpose to which
,,' Ceorge Lakey's thinking is represented by "The
the methods of struggle, the choice of strategy and
'world in revolution," which is chapter I of his
tactics, must be adapted. The choice of nonviolent
Strategy for a Líving Revolution. Here Lakey
means is therefore not based on moral or pacifistic
explores the connections between revolutioriary
grounds.... As a revolutionary method violence is
movements in the West and in the Third World, and
obsolete... but this book will shoiv that there exist
discusses the problem of defending a"revolufion
other methods of struggle which are no /ess
against external intervention or counter-revolueffective.
tionary coup.
So says J ens Thoft in his introduction to this
"socialism and nonviolencei' by Ossip Flechtheim
collection of essays, which was published with the
is reprinted from the socialist magazine Links. 'ln this
cooperation of WRL's Danish cousin Aldrig Mere
art¡cle Flechtheim tries to bridge a communication
Krig (AMK) and of the Danish CO union. At least in
gap between revolutionary theorists who use'
the industrialized West, Thoft sees nonviolent action
nonviolent tactics while arguing the evenfua/ need
as giving the best, perhaps the only, hope for
for armed struggle, on one hand, and the many
genuinerevolution, and he has brought together a
advocates of nonviolence who are more and more
variety of writings to make the case. I think it is a
clearly committing themselves to socialism, on the
strong one.
other. Flechtheimhimself canfe to the US during ihe
lkkevold: Strategi i Klassekampen is entirely in
1930's as a refugeefrom Nazism and served as a
Danish (even though many of its chapters were
legal aide to th'e war-crimes prosecution at
originally published elsewhere in other languages)
Nuremberg. A professor at the Free University in
and it is not, to my knowlqdge, available in the
Berlin since 1959, he and the other Cérman authors
US. Nevertheless, I think this book is well worth our
are members of the "Study group on nonviole¡rt,
attent¡on as an indication of the growing interest in
defénse" organized by the Union of Cerman
nonviolence as revolution4ry strategy. According to
Scientists.
Thoft; opposition to militarism has traditionally been
A preliminary report from this study group follows
part of the workers' movement in Western Europe;
Flechtheim'.s article. The report, entitled
the major labor parties were nearly all anti-militarist , " Nonviolent defen se a constructive alternative,,"
before World War l, and the Scandinavian socjal
outlines some of their main conclusions: that
democrats maintained this line until Hitler took
"modern weapons technology has made militari,
power. lt is thus not surprising that discussions of
defense absurd...," that nonviolent defe¡se cannot
socialism and nonviglence have been particularly
be a complete substitute for military defense in all its
intense in this part of the world. ln recent years the
functions but offers a "constructive alternative" to it
debate has expanded, stimulafed by the progress in
which may be better able to defend democratic
:nonviolent methods and especially by the Czech's
values and institutions, and that nonvíolent defense
nonviolent resistance to the Soviet occupation in
offers the greatest promise'of any known alternative
1968. A number of political organizations and parties
to the military system.
in Cermany, Scandinavia and Hollánd have adopted
Ulrich Poch's contribution is a fascinating casenon-military defense policies in their platforms. The
study of "Violence and nonviolence in the Danish
contents of this book give a good introduction to thq
res i stan ce stru g g le, 1940-1945 ." Poch, another
thinking behind these developments and to a theory
"study group'/ member, wrote a doctor's
of nonviolent action very different from Amerícan
' dissertation on the Danish resistance; the present
pacif ist traditions.
paper, prepared especially for Thoft's anthology, is
Some of the contributors to Thoft's anthology are
the f¡rst publication of his findings in Denmark. Poch
well-known to most WIN readers, but others will
discusses the conditions which made both military
defense and organized mass nonviolent resistance
Vermont
Norwich,
and
Lamperti
lives
in
impossible in.1940's Denqark, and analyzes the
John
effects of the compromise policy of "accommodation
teaclres mathematics at Dartmouth College. He
visited Denmark during 1972-1973 to teach at Aarhus without collaboraiion" which the Danes followed
'lJniversity. He indexe:d WIN 1974 and'1975. ì
during the f irst years of the occupation. He also

only, strategy for a successful and genuine social
revolution. But although I am impressed, I feelthat a
dimension is missing. T.his book contains no hint that
for some people nonviolence is not only a strategy
but a way of life. I think this is an important
omission, even in strictly pragmatic tÊrms. Perhaps
rnqdefn war no- longer has much use för extraordinary individual heroism, but I doubt the same is
true of nonviolent struggle. Remarkable things have
been accomplished byã-Íew exceptional ¡nd¡ü¡duáls
such as Lanza del Vasto and his Companions or the
CNVA peace walkers in Albany, õeo¡gia (see
Barbara Deming's Pri.son Notes). Wh'en someday
feats like these are combined with mass nonviolent
\action in a revolutionary situation, I am sure the
power of the movement will be enörrhously, and unpredictably, increased.,Even for those who do not
hold nonviolence as a f undamental principle, this is
an important factor to consider.
Editor J ens Thoft lectures on political science at
Aarhus University and has been active in many
campaignS of the Danish left, especially with Aldrig
Mere Krig. An article by him appeared in Crass
Roois (December 75 and January 76) giving a longer
explanation of his views on nonviolence and
revolution; it makes an interesting companion to
David McReynolds' pieces in WlN. Both agree that
true revol ution requ i res.overwhelm i n g mass support:
"There is no shortcut to socialism l" 0 .f .) Long and
frustrating though the way may be, nonviolencq
,offers the best hope of approaching this goal.
-:John Lamperti

shows that the suecess of the violent resistante
movement in Denmark is consistently oüerestimated
in compariscin with'the very real achievements of
'mass nonviolent struggle against the Cermans
during 1943-1945. Strangely, he has nothing to say
here about the most famous triumph of the Danish
resistance, the rescue of most of Denmark's J ewish
population from Nazi arrest and deportation in
October, /943. When this remarkable feat is given
the weight it deserves, the¡ictories of Danish
nonviolence become even more impreqsive.
Finally, Nor*ãeiãn sãä¡ärirtbàrit Hôlm offdrs
some revolutionaiv criticism-not'of nonviolent
action itself but of the concept of norr-military
national defense. She doubtl whether it is in fact
"progressive" to work toward that goal, since it does
not attack capitalism pêr se and may obscure
capitalism's inn"r contrudictionstÛ suggesting that
all social classes have common'interests to be
defended. She argues also that militarism is so
deeply rooted in our system that it cannot be
replpced short of revoiutionary change, and believes
thaÇattempts to unite nonviolent national defense
with revolutionary strategy will lead only to "socialdemocratic reformism." But Holm's concluding
advice to anti-military sociali'sts-to use nonviolent
action to mobilize mass support'against the existing
system
- is f ully consistent with the theme of
nonviolence as the best strategy for the class
struggle,
lkkevold makes a strong case for its thesis that
militant no nviolence offels thg þ9¡_t, p_¡obably the
,

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TORTURE ROAD. . . 1974 by Kim Chi-ha
Craphics by George Knowlton / 92.50 / FLA'|S
WORKSHOP, POB 13, Kingston, Rl 02881.

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Young city câl needs a country home Quiet.
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Our landlord forbids pets. Call collect, Steve, (212)

essays on nonviolence by

SUMMER CONFERENCE ON FEMINIST NON.
VIOLENCE, ¡ntegrate nonv¡olence with tem¡ñist
consciousnêss, J une 27 - ) uly 11, 1976, Heathcote
Center, Freeland, Maryland. An experience in
community, lharing work and play, ideas, feelings.
Discussions and workshops where the resources are
YOU and other participants. S¡mple facilities and
diet, low cost shared according to abil¡ty' Forìnformation and brochure, contact: Ellen W¡tkowsky,
' 2416 Salutaris, Apt. 2, Cincinnati, OH 54220, ph.

Wàsh Us and Còmb Us, colby
lection of short sto¡ies
\
Barbara Deming
. hardcover, $1.50

Mlsc.

(s13J 7s',l-06o7

,lLIBERTE, ECALITE, SORORITE"; "NO MAN
CAN COMMAND MY CONSCIENCE" Bumperstickers 50C each (others). DONNELLY, Bçx
\
271-W, Newvernon,,N)

Winning Hearts and Minds,
poetry by Vietnam Vets
(companion anthology DMZ
soon to be published).
.:
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Pro¡ect on WOMEN lN THE ECONOMY offering

MA degree from Goddard College. Feminist analyI

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sis andiesearch on women as unpaid houseworkers, in the labor force, as victims qf corporate

hteû'?ØP44-

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Position Availabte - Collective law f irm special izing
in social change issuefand rights of the poor is
seeking attornìy. Submit resume to Robert W.
Zeunel,721 Albany Street, Schenectady, New York
12!07.
Work/PlayShop on SIMPLE LIVINC-Childerly
Farm, WheelinÉ, lllinois-July 16, 17, 18. Sponsored by Chicago MNS, Zacchaus Collective,
Friendship House, Uptown Franciscans. For more
info: Friendship House, 343 S. Dearborn, room 317,
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une 10,

1976

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will deal wittr rtre Reflection of SocÍalist Revolution in the Culture of the GDR. - Our particuLar interest will be the question of
the cÖntinuation of traditional artÍstic forms in a new society of socialism and
the resultant questíon of "Erbaneigmung." Special attention will be paid to the
reflectioh of feninism'Ín GDR literature.
THE SECOND AIINUAL GDR SYMPOSIUM

is informal and there will be ample opportunity
giving papers and those participating in
the Conference¡ as welL as for discussions a¡nong all particÍpants. ranily members
ate encouraged- to attend and enjoy the beautiful 320 acres of the !{orld Fe}lowship
Center in the !ù?rite Mou¡¡tains of New HampshÍre with boating, hiking, swimming.
THE ATI4OSPHERE 0F THE C0NFERENCE

for prolonged discussions

between those

T0 BE DISCUSSED: 'tAfter the Reuolution

- What Then? Peter Hacks, Theory
Margjr Gerber, Bowling Green S.U., ohio;
htoLfts 'Naehdenken ueber Cltrista I': a Coming to OnesseLf." ay Dr. Alan
Bedell, Hope Colle9e, MÍch.¡'tThe Reeeption of Works by BLaek Atheriean Authors'in
the GDR:| by Prof. Daniel trù. Brown, Tufts U.,l4ass.; t'Woman's C'hanging RoLe in GDR
Litez,atuye" by Nancy A. Lauckner, Prof. at Univ. of Tenn. Prof. Dr¡ncan Snith of
Brown Universitv will return from guest lectures in Rostock for the Seminar.
FILMS T0 BE SHO!'JN: ''KUHLE üIAMPE" by Bertold Brectrt, Lgg2, and 3 DEFA Films:
"FARE!ùELL" L968; I'THE SEVENTH YEAR" 1969i "DO YOU KNO$I URBAI\I?"
FAREI{I]T,¡, (ABSCHIED)

'Ihis fil¡r¡ l¡y ESon Gúr¡ther is adapted fr<¡ñi a well-h¡¡own r¡uvel bv
Johannes R. Becher. which evoked the author's childhood and
youth in Munich just beforfe. a¡¡d during the first World l{ar,
,T¡II: SEVENTH YEAR

THE

ART FOR PEOPLE,

ADDR FSS

New Midwest Research lnìtitute seeks unselfisir, .
'socially-conscious, non-career¡st, MA-PhD
MOVEMENT econom¡sts, pölitical sc¡entists, etc.
MUST be able to get grants or raise funds.
S'ämi-seholarlv studies on war-peace reconvers¡on,
etc REAI) Cross and Osterman "The New Professionals" pp 33-77, Studs Terkel "Working" pp
525-527, 537 -54O, Claudia Dréifus "Radical Life;
styles." Midwest lnst¡tute, 1206 N 6th St., 43201.

. that's

on grcen parchment, 17" x 77'!.52.00 each,
in quantities of 10 ar more, $1-50 each'

lst, 1976

(in thc Bicentennial Ycer)

SOME PAPERS

art¡cle page 4 th¡s issue, CONTACT: Phila.,
215-923-6763; NYC, 212-533-003O; DC,
2O7234-1616: Boston, 617¡288-494O. Or
Write: July 4 Coalition, PO Box 998, Þeter
Stuyvesant Station, NYC, 10009.

',htn 21th to hh

of a SoeiaList CLassieism." by Prof.
:'Christa

coME To PHTLADELPHTA Jùt-Y ltn to
rlnish what was Started 200 Years Ago.
For a Bicentennial Without ColoniesFreedom For All Oppressed Nations- For
Full Democracy And Equality. For JOBS
And a Decent Standard of Living. See

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tlx Germøn Demærøtic Republic"

''t'

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of Rewlutiott
in tlx Cuhure of

'Tmages

Barbara Deming.

OPPORTUNITIES

Conway, New Hampshire

Revolution and Equitibrium,

07976.

NONCOMPEIIIIVE GAMES for children and
ãdults. Play together not aga¡nst each other. Free
catalog: Family Past¡rhes, RR 4, Perth, Ontario,
Canada K7H 3C6.

World Fellowship Center

Thinking Like a Woman, collection of essays by Leah Fritz
with an afterwsì:.d by Barbara
Deming. . . . . . softcover, $3.25

FREE: Five to seven (diff icult to count them -they
move.too swiftlv) genuine, authentic, wild mice,
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ears. Clean, cuie, ideál pets if caged. They do not
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